Showing posts with label normans. Show all posts
Showing posts with label normans. Show all posts

Monday, June 26, 2017

The Death of William Rufus

William Rufus, King of England, met his death in a hunting accident in the New Forest (2/8/1100). He was “accidentally” killed by an arrow loosed from the bow of one Sir Walter Tyrell, 3rd Lord of Poix. After Rufus was struck down, Tyrell panicked and fled to France. As a result of his death, Rufus’ brother Henry seized the English throne for himself and was crowned King of England.

William of Malmesbury in his “Chronicle of the Kings of the English” (c. 1128) had this to say:
“The next day he went into the forest… He was attended by a few persons… Walter Tirel remained with him, while the others, were on the chase. The sun was now declining, when the king, drawing his bow and letting fly an arrow, slightly wounded a stag which passed before him… The stag was still running… The king, followed it a long time with his eyes, holding up his hand to keep off the power of the sun’s rays. At this instant Walter decided to kill another stag. Oh, gracious God! the arrow pierced the king’s breast.

On receiving the wound the king uttered not a word; but breaking off the shaft of the arrow where it projected from his body… This accelerated his death. Walter immediately ran up, but as he found him senseless, he leapt upon his horse, and escaped with the utmost speed. Indeed there were none to pursue him: some helped his flight; others felt sorry for him. The king’s body was placed on a cart and conveyed to the cathedral at Winchester… blood dripped from the body all the way. Here he was buried within the tower.”

For his own part, Henry, now King of England, issued Tyrell with a pardon. This action alone has led many to conclude that Henry was somehow behind the death of his brother.

These are the “facts” such as they are and such as they have come down to us through the ages.

But there are a number of other, most intriguing, points to consider.
(1) – Tyrell was innocent.
(2) – That this was an accident.
(3) – That this was a premeditated murder instigated by Henry.
(4) – That this was a premeditated murder instigated by a third party.

Scenario 1 – Innocent:
From the safety of France, Tyrell claimed that his was innocent of the death of the King William.

Abbot Suger, Confessor to King Louis VII of France, was apparently a friend of Tyrell’s and provided him with a safe haven following his flight from England. Abbot Suger claimed that: “but I have often heard him, when he had nothing to fear nor to hope, solemnly swear that on the day in question he was not in the part of the forest where the king was hunting, nor ever saw him in the forest at all.”

So, why flee – why not just claim to have become separated from the King and was elsewhere in the New Forest; or, why not claim to have just come upon the dying King. There were no witnesses to the actual death – Tyrell could only have been accused if he had been seen with the King by others.

Scenario 2 – Accident:
It was claimed that Tyrell “let loose a wild shot at a passing stag. However, instead of striking the stag as intended, the arrow pierced William in the chest, puncturing his lungs.”

However, could a man whom many claimed “knows how to shoot the deadliest shots” have been so reckless or careless in his aim?

Peter of Blois (1070 – c.1117) writes: “The said Walter, the author of his death, though unwittingly so, escaped from the midst of them, crossed the sea, and arrived safe home in Normandy.”

“Tyrrel, without informing any one of the accident, put spurs to his horse, hastened to the sea-shore, embarked for France, and joined the crusade in an expedition to Jerusalem; a penance which he imposed on himself for this involuntary crime.” (Source: David Hume “The History of England from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the Revolution in 1688“, Foreword by William B. Todd, 6 vols. (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1983). Vol. 1.)

It was not uncommon for deaths to occur accidentally when hunting – even today, hunters are often mistake for their prey and are killed or wounded by other hunters. Carelessness is not atypical of one period of history alone. Again, why flee. Tyrell could not have known the mood of Henry nor expected clemency for the death of the King, no matter how accidental, hence his immediate flight.

Scenario 3 – Murder by Henry:
Henry himself directly benefited from the death of his older brother – this was a well known fact.

Henry was himself a part of the hunting group that day in the New Forest, though not, as Henry himself points out, with his brother William. Henry maintained that he was in another part of the New Forest when Rufus met his end.

But, if involved, could Henry have been assured of his own position. Henry had an older brother, Robert Duke of Normandy – there was always the chance that Robert might seize the throne for himself or be acclaimed King. Even during the reign of Rufus there had been a rebellion in favour of Robert – William was disliked and Robert was popular. Henry’s own position was uncertain.

Henry’s hasty journey to secure the Treasury at Winchester and then have himself crowned King. Henry, however, had nothing to fear from Robert who was on Crusade at the time of Rufus’ death.

In fact, William Rufus was not the only member of the Conqueror’s family to meet an untimely death in the New Forest:
* Richard, Duke of Bernay, second son of William the Conqueror of Matilda of Flanders (c.1075 – 1081); brother of William II Rufus, Henry I and Robert of Normandy.
* Henry, son of Robert of Normandy (above) and Sybilla of Conversano
* Richard, illegitimate son of Robert of Normandy (d.1100)

What better place to rid oneself of witnesses or potential rivals for the throne than to arrange a “hunting accident”. Suspicion would not fall so easily upon one’s head – I guess a more than lack of direct heirs (excluding Robert whom Henry later imprisoned for the term of his natural life) left the throne well and truly open for Henry I.

And as for Henry I pardoning Tyrell, one would assume he did so for one of three reasons:
(1) Tyrell really was innocent;
(2) it really was an accident; or
(3) Tyrell actually did kill William on behalf of Henry.

William of Malmesbury writes, in his “Chronicle of the Kings of the English” (c. 1128): “he leapt upon his horse, and escaped with the utmost speed. Indeed there were none to pursue him: some helped his flight; others felt sorry for him.”

Scenario 4 – Revenge:
So what exactly was Tyrell’s role – was he the instrument of death of a “third party” bent on revenge. Quite possibly – so what are the known facts about Tyrell.

(1) Walter Tyrell was born in England (c.1065) and yet was made Lord of Poix – in Ponthieu, France. Poix wasn’t associated with Normandy (at the time) – in fact, Poix was some fifteen miles from Amiens, and its lordship was of considerable importance.

Walter has been identified by Pere Anselme who “occurs in an agreement with the [Ralf] Count of Amiens, 1087, and who, with his wife “Adelice,” founded the Priory of St. Denis de Poix [confirmed by Geoffrey, Bishop of Amiens], and built the Abbey of St. Pierre de Sélincourt.” (Source: JH Round “Feudal England” 1895).

Walter Tyrell was not one of those who came to England at the time of the Conquest (1066) – though it has been suggested that he was possibly the grandson of one Walter Tyrell who led a company from Poix at Senlac (1066). JH Round in his 1895 “Feudal England” claims Tyrell was actually a Frenchman, being the third of that name to bear the title.

So what exactly was Tyrell doing at the court of the English King.

The following article, The Royal Hunt, claims that Tyrell was not actually a member of William’s household but instead was invited on the hunt to discuss “political matters”.

Peter of Blois says: “For there had come from Normandy, to visit king William, a very powerful baron, Walter Tirel by name. The king received him with the most lavish hospitality, and having honored him with a seat at his table, was pleased, after the banquet was concluded, to give him an invitation to join him in the sport of hunting.”

So, what political matters were afoot that were so important that Tyrell was invited to hunt alone with the King – away from prying eyes and eavesdroppers.

At the time of Rufus’ death, he was engaged in a rebellion of nobles in County of Maine, who were supported by the French King.

Let us consider the following excerpts from David Hume’s “The History of England from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the Revolution in 1688“:
“ ….. he found the province of Maine still exposed to his intrigues and incursions” – this being the intrigues of the French King [1097].

“William, who was hunting in the new forest, when he received intelligence of this hostile attempt, was so provoked, that he immediately turned his horse, and galloped to the sea-shore at Dartmouth; declaring, that he would not stop a moment till he had taken vengeance for the offence” [1099].
“By this vigour and celerity, he delivered the citadel of Mans from its present danger; and pursuing Helie into his own territories, he laid siege to Majol, a small castle in those parts: But a wound, which he received before this place, obliged him to raise the siege; and he returned to England.” [1100].

The Lordship of Poix was associated with the County of Maine. Could Walter Tyrell have been about to change his allegiance from Maine (and thus France), and turn towards England? Was Walter a spy for England (against France) at the court of Maine?

(2) We know that Tyrell made an advantageous marriage to one Adelize (1069 – 1138), the daughter of Richard Fitz Gilbert. This, it seems to me, to be quite remarkable considering Tyrell’s lack of serious “political” connections with the Conqueror and his family – before the hunting incident.

(3) It was said that Tyrell was one of Rufus’ “favourites”. Is there any evidence of this – well, Tyrell alone was with Rufus hunting in the New Forest. Most other members of the Court were quite apart from the King.

Was there any evidence of the allegation that Tyrell argued with Rufus the night before the hunt? None that was mentioned by any of the contemporary chroniclers.

There was, however, one man whom none have suspected despite his deep and well publicized hatred of Rufus. Who was this man, none other than Anselm of Bec, Archbishop of Canterbury, the highest prelate in England!

The Case Against Anselm:
What exactly was the “relationship” between the King of England and the Archbishop of Canterbury?

Well, let’s begin with a couple of interesting facts about Anselm:
(1) Anselm and Rufus clashed famously and furiously over the question of jurisdiction over the Church. This would be an alarmingly familiar scenario to the Pope, who was battling the German King, Henry IV, over the question of ecclesiastic investitures; and would later reverberate in the clash between King Henry II of England and his Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Beckett.

But at the heart of this battle of wills was the fact that Rufus had, for the past five years, kept the See of Canterbury deliberately vacant for the sole purpose of collecting and keeping those revenues for himself. Only, when the cold hand of death stretched toward him did Rufus finally concede and appoint to the vacant See, Anselm. When he recovered, Rufus found that Anselm, far from being malleable was proving himself a constant thorn in the royal side. It became Rufus’ chief desire to be rid of the Archbishop ……. “He could elevate him, but not remove him; he could make, but not unmake.” In fact, “…… political troubles came so thick and heavy on the King, some of his powerful nobles being in open rebellion, that he felt it necessary to dissemble and defer the gratification of his vengeance on the man he hated more than any personage in England.” (Source: Beacon Lights of History, Volume III, Part 1 – Saint Anselm A.D. 1033 – 1109).

Such was the “professional” relationship between King and Archbishop – one was a gentle, God-fearing man, devoted to the interests of the Church; the other was a hard, unscrupulous, cunning despot. Or so it would seem.

(2) Anselm (d.1109), along with a number of other well-known clerics, including St.Bernard of Clairvaux, Aelred of Rievaulx (110 -1167), Ivo of Chartres (c.1040 – 1115), Bishop Baudri of Bourgeuil (1046 – 1130) and his friend, Marbod of Rennes (1035-1123), all wrote “homo-erotic” poems and prose.

To whom were these poems written or dedicated – typically, young men; though in the case of Baudri and Marbod, it was also to each other, where there was “an emphasis on pederasty”. (Source: John Boswell “Christianity, Social Tolerance and Homosexuality” Pub: University of Chicago Press, 1980).

Anselm wrote many letters to monks, male relatives and others that contained passionate expressions of attachment and affection. These letters were typically addressed “dilecto dilectori,” sometimes translated as “to the beloved lover.” As such, these letters have been characterised as having “homosexual” tendancies by later chroniclers and historians.

So, what has this to do with William Rufus, King of England, whose own sexuality was questionable, and the cause of so much gossip?

Many labels have been attributed to William Rufus and his sexuality. He has invariably been labeled “bisexual” and “homosexual” but there we must stop. These labels are modern day inventions – or rather, 19th century inventions.

There were other labels used when describing a man who succumbed to the “unnatural vice”. In fact, Henry I, brother and successor of William Rufus, attempted to clean up the court of the “unnatural vice” and laid down a series of penalties for “those who commit the shameful sin of sodomy“. Later, Thomas Aquinas in his “Summa Theologica” refers to homosexuality as “peccata contra naturam” or “the sin against nature”.

Theory:
We all know that William opposed the appointment of Anselm and that their animosity was the cause of much conflict between church and state. But could it be much more personal than that.

Anselm himself was one of the proponents of the medieval “homo-erotic” poetry – could his “advances” (ie: poetry / letters of love) have been directed at Rufus. Could these “advances” have not only been unwanted but ridiculed (especially amongst the court favourites) and spurned – which was the true cause of the deep hatred between Anselm and William. Was Anselm merely the scorned “potential” lover??

Was Anselm hoping to take advantage of what we in modern terms would label as William’s homosexuality on a personal level, and use his role as potential lover to enhance his own clerical position. Anselm, as we know, was just as manipulative as the next cleric – afterall he saw himself as another Lanfranc. Could his sudden hatred and vilification of William have been used to disguise his own earthly failings as a mortal man.

Yes, this is speculative in the extreme and there is absolutely no proof whatsoever that there was or wasn’t some form of more “personal” or possibly “homosexual” relationship between these two antagonists.

And so to the “ecclesiastical” version of Rufus’ death.
“It was remarked in that age, that Richard, an elder brother of William’s, perished by an accident in the new forest; Richard, his nephew, natural son of duke Robert, lost his life in the same place, after the same manner: And all men, upon the king’s fate, exclaimed, that, as the Conqueror had been guilty of extreme violence, in expelling all the inhabitants of that large district, to make room for his game, the just vengeance of heaven was signalized, in the same place, by the slaughter of his posterity.”

This I have previously documented above – death by “hunting accident” was not an uncommon event.
“See the just hand of God upon kings usurping wrongfully upon other men’s grounds, as did William the Conqueror, their father, in making this New Forest, plucking down divers churches and townships the compass of thirty miles about. Here therefore appeareth, that although men cannot revenge, yet God revengeth either in them, or in their posterity, &c. This king, as he always used concubines, so left he no issue legitimate behind him. His life was such, that it is hard for a story, that should tell the truth, to say whether he was more to be commended or reproved. Among other vices in him, especially is to be rebuked in him unmeasurable and unreasonable covetousness; insomuch that he coveted (if he might) to be every man’s heir.” (Source: Foxe’s “Book of Martyrs“)

To clerical chroniclers, such an “Act of God” was a just end for a wicked king.
These clerics referred to Rufus as “… a man much pitied …. [who] had a soul which they could not save…”Rufus’ quarrel with the saintly Anselm ensured that “it [was] no wonder his memory should be blackened by the historians of that order.” (Source: David Hume “The History of England from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the Revolution in 1688” (Foreword by William B. Todd, 6 vols. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1983). Vol. 1.)

Could the saintly Anselm have seen Tyrell as an instrument of God with which to strike down this faithless enemy of the Church (and of himself). Anselm certainly had the motive, but as for the opportunity – could Anselm have been assured that Tyrell would act on behalf of the “Church”. In fact, the question to be asked is: could Anselm stoop to murder to rid himself of this most despotic enemy. Tempting … but unlikely. With the benefit of hindsight we know that Rufus’ death did not end the quarrel between the Crown and the Church in England.

So then, who else not only had a beef with Rufus, but was also in a position to utilize Tyrell without Tyrell giving the game away. The only reasonable “suspects” would have to be exceedingly close to Tyrell. His own family: no motive or opportunity there. What about his in-laws: motive – yes; opportunity – yes; weapon – yes.

So then, who else not only had a beef with Rufus, but was also in a position to utilize Tyrell without Tyrell giving the game away. The only reasonable “suspects” would have to be exceedingly close to Tyrell. His own family: no motive or opportunity there. What about his in-laws: motive – yes; opportunity – yes; weapon – yes.

The Case Against the House of Clare:
(1) The founder of the de Clare family was one Godfrey (also named Geoffrey), (bc.970 – dc.1015), who was an illegitimate son of Richard I, Duke of Normandy. Godfrey was the father of one Gilbert, surnamed “Crispin” (bc.1000 – 1040) who was Count of Bionne and Eu, and was one of the protectors or guardians of the infant William, Duke of Normandy. Gilbert made the ultimate sacrifice in the “execution” of his duties when he was murdered (1040).

(2) The sons of Gilbert “Crispin” (above) were named Baldwin and Richard (1030 – 1090). Now it has been speculated, though definitely not proved, that Richard may have been Gilbert’s illegitimate son by one Arlette/Herleve of Falaise, mother of Duke William of Normandy (himself an “illegitimate” son of a union between Arlette and Robert, Duke of Normandy). Thus, Richard has been referred to as William’s “half-brother”. I have not personally seen any documentary evidence that would support this.

It has also been speculated in the “Annals of the Four Masters” that Richard was descended from Robert “the Devil”, Duke of Normandy – himself the father of William “the Conqueror”. However, this is not the case.

Further, Baldwin and Richard had been dispossessed of their father’s lands by their “uncle” Richard II, Duke of Normandy, and had fled to the court of Baldwin V of Flanders after the murder of their father. The County of Eu was then given by Richard II to his half-brother, William.

These lands were restored by William, Duke of Normandy, who celebrated his marriage to Matilda of Flanders at Eu. However, Eu itself remained with the descendants of William.

(3) Richard (above) married one Rohese (daughter of Walter Giffard of Normandy), and was the father of notably Roger (who inherited the Norman patrimony) and Gilbert (who inherited the English patrimony) – and was the father-in-law of Walter Tyrell, who married Adeliza, Richard’s daughter. Other children were born of the marriage of Richard and Rohese.

Richard and his brother Baldwin both accompanied William of Normandy on his invasion of England (1066). Both, though Richard especially, were well rewarded by William after the “spoils of war” were divided. Baldwin was appointed Guardian of Exeter and Sheriff of Devonshire, and Richard was granted 170 manors in Suffolk. Richard (also known as Richard of Tonbridge) adopted the surname “Clare” after one of his large estates in Suffolk. Richard was also appointed to William’s Council, and as a trusted friend, was given the position of Chief Justiciar. Richard thus found himself as one of the regents for England during William’s absences in Normandy, and he played an important role of the suppression of the revolt of the Earls against William (1075).

(4) Richard de Clare (father of aforementioned Gilbert and Roger) had been involved in a rebellion against Rufus (1088). Along with many other leading Norman barons, he supported Robert, eldest son of William the Conqueror, as a suitable heir. Richard was forced to surrender and enter a monastery where he died three years later (d.1090). Gilbert kept the family estates and was, to all intents and purposes, reconciled with the King. Gilbert fought with the King against the Scots (1095), and possibly took part in Rufus’ campaigns against Wales and in Normandy.

The House of Clare certainly benefited from making their “peace” with Rufus – they could position someone in close enough, unsuspected, to “do the deed”.

However, another conspiracy of nobles against Rufus occurred (1095), led by Robert Mowbray Earl of Northumberland, Richard de Tunbridge and Roger de Lacy. William, Count of Eu was also said to have also been a part of this conspiracy to put Stephen, Count of Aumale (nephew of William the Conqueror) on the throne instead of Rufus. The plot was discovered – this was treason.

Who then was William, Count of Eu (bc.1055 – d.1096) and what was his relationship with the House of Clare?
William was the son of Robert, Count of Eu, who was the son of one Guillaume de Hieme (bc. 955 – db. 9/1/1039). Guillaume or William (bc.985) was the son of: Richard I “the Fearless” Duke of Normandy (b.28/8/933 – d.20/11/996) – by a concubine. Said William (d.1096) was married to one Beatrice de Busli (bc.1065), daughter of Domesday baron, Roger de Busli of Tickhill. William had two brothers: Ralph d’Eu (bc.1043 – dc.1090) and Robert d’Eu (bc.1057).

Now, back to the plot against Rufus (1095):
Oderic claims that William was accused by his brother-in-law, the Earl of Chester, for flaunting his extramarital affairs and thus neglecting Chester’s sister. William was charged with treason at court (Autumn 1095). At Salisbury, William was formally accused and challenged to a trial by combat by Geoffrey Baynard, former Sherrif of Yorkshire (1096). (Source: David Crounch “Normans: The History of a Dynasty”, Hambledon Press 2002)

“The count d’Eu denied his concurrence in the plot (c.1095-1096); and to justify himself, fought, in the presence of the court at Windsor, a duel with Geoffrey Bainard, who accused him. But being worsted in the combat, he was condemned to be castrated, and to have his eyes put out.” (Source: David Hume “The History of England from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the Revolution in 1688” (Foreword by William B. Todd, 6 vols. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1983). Vol. 1.)

Why would the death of William, Count of Eu have any bearing on the House of Clare?
William, Count of Eu’s ancestor was an illegitimate son of Richard I, Duke of Normandy, as was the ancestor of the House of Clare. Thus, they were related – and in this day and age, kith and kin were important in forging alliances, both political and social.

But, more importantly, Oderic says that one Gilbert de Clare was another of those who plotted against Rufus and then turned on his co-conspirators and thus saved his own neck. (Source: David Crouch “Normans: The History of a Dynasty”, Hambledon Press 2002)

Gilbert de Clare was cousin to William of Eu! And the “English” estates of William (the Honour of Striguil) went to one Walter de Clare, the brother of Gilbert de Clare (above), and thus a younger son of Richard de Clare. These estates remained with the House of Clare.

(5) The sons of Richard de Clare, Gilbert (fitzRichard) and Roger, and their brother-in-law, Tyrell, were all present in the New Forest as members of the hunting party when Rufus was killed (1100). Tyrell escaped and was later “pardoned” by Henry I who succeeded Rufus as King of England. The House of Clare were public in their support of the accession of Henry I, not Robert, as King of England.

(6) Gilbert (fitzRichard) de Clare was the father of one Gilbert fitzGilbert de Clare, 1st Earl of Pembroke (below).

(7) Gilbert (fitzGilbert) de Clare married Isabel de Beaumont. Isabel’s father Robert had fought with William I at Senlac (1066) – and she had previously been the favourite mistress of Henry I. Gilbert and the House of Clare family (with its extended and intertwining branches) would prosper considerably under Henry I.

* Walter Tyrell’s sons were permitted to keep their father’s lands and estates.
* Rohese Giffard’s brother Walter was created Earl of Buckingham, and another, William was created Bishop of Winchester.
* Richard (1062 – 1107), son of Richard de Clare (d.1090), and brother-in-law of Tyrell was made Abbot of Ely by Henry I.
* Robert (d.1134), another son of Richard de Clare (d.1090), was Steward to Henry I.
* Members of the House of Clare were in constant attendance at the court of Henry I.
* Gilbert de Clare (d.1115) led an army into Wales (1107) where he defeated the Welsh and managed to secure for himself, the important Lordship of Striguil. His children would marry well into the nobility.

Could this then simply have been a premeditated act of revenge on the part of the House of Clare – and Tyrell was the means, being a favourite of the King, and maybe less likely to be suspected??? The evidence, though certainly circumstantial, is highly plausible.

So many plots, so many questions, so many suspects ……

Or are we, as historian and author C.Warren Hollister suggests, being tempted to “look for some hint of human calculation such as we would not seek in the reportedly accidental deaths of lesser men ….. ”

 ~~~ originally posted October 2010

Sunday, May 14, 2017

William I & the Question of the Papal Banner

Did William the Conqueror have the backing of the Papacy as he legitimately claimed?, when he made his play for the Crown of England in 1066? Even that can be questioned. Many claim that Pope Alexander II would not have sanctioned the invasion of a country that not only upheld Christianity but had been one of the Papacy’s more fervent supporters.

In order to obtain the Papal Banner:
It is most likely that William did have papal sanction for his invasion of England. William was an astute politician - in order to protect his borders from the French during his absence, papal support would have been necessary in a time when religion was an important part of social life.

The position of Pope Alexander II (r.1061 - 1073) in Rome was precarious - he was threatened on many political fronts: by the Emperor Henry IV, by an anti-Pope Honorious II, and by the Lombards and the Greeks on mainland Italy. Alexander was supported by his advisor and heir-apparent, Chancellor Hildebrand. However, Norman support was crucial for his own political and personal survival on the Italian mainland. By giving a Papal “blessing” and thus a papal banner to Roger de Hauteville for his conquest of Sicily, Alexander was securing future support for his own cause. However, in this instance, the papal banner was granted to Roger to aid his removal not of another Christian power but of non-Christians - that is: Muslims.

It was purely a matter of politics not religion that prompted William to seek and Alexander to give the papal banner (1063-1065). Harold, unfortunately, did not send anyone to represent his cause to the Pope - it could be argued that (1) he felt his own position secure, having been duly elected by the Witan; or (2) that he had no idea that William was sending ambassadors to Rome on his behalf.

There are two arguments that could be made:
(1) that William was appealing to the Papacy on a matter of inheritance, involving the question of “laesio fidei”. Now, the Papacy was within it rights to adjudge matters of inheritance - however, whilst not in a position to dispose of the English Crown, the Curia could be asked to consider the respective titles or claims of the disputants.
(2) that William promised Alexander that he would “clean up” the corruption within the English Church - which was the removal of Archbishop Stigand from Canterbury, whose election was considered irregular Robert of Jumiéges had been elected (1050) however, when Edward the Confessor removed all Normans from power (c.1052), Robert fled back to Normandy and Stigand was eventually elected). However, with the advantage of hindsight, Stigand was not removed until four years after the Conquest (1070).

It was following the deposition of Stigand as Archbishop, that the Papal Legate, Ermenfrid Bishop of Sion, was said to have submitted all who participated in the Conquest to a penance -the Penitential Ordinance of Bishop Ermenfrid of Sion.
“This is the institution of penance according to the decrees of the bishops of the Normans, confirmed by the authority of the supreme pontiff by his legate Ermenfrid bishop of Sion, to be imposed upon those whom William duke of the Normans commanded and who before this decree were his men and owed him military service as their duty. Whoever knows that he has killed in the great battle is to do one year's penance for each man slain. Whoever struck another but does not know if that man was thereby slain, is to do 40 days penance for each case, if he can remember the number, either continuously or at intervals. Whoever does not know the number of those he struck or killed shall, at the discretion of his bishop, do penance for one day a week for the rest of his life, or, if he is able, make amends either by building a church or by giving perpetual alms to one." (Catholic Encyclopedia, 1913) 
I believe that a “penance” was imposed upon all who participated in the conquest as a means to expiate their sins - if papal blessing was obtained there would be no need for a papal penance.

References to Evidence of an Actual Banner:
".......and Pope Alexander sent a banner to the Duke as a symbol of St Peter's judgement" . (Source: "The Oxford English History, Vol 2." by Sir Frank Stenton) 
"the gift of a banner as a pledge of the support of St. Peter whereby he might the more confidently and safely attack his enemy." (Source: "The Deeds of William, Duke of the Normans and King of the English" by William of Poiters). 
"That no rashness might stain his righteous cause he sent to the Pope, formerly Anselm, bishop of Lucca, asserting the justice of the war he had undertaken with all the eloquence at his command. Harold neglected to do this; either because he was too proud by nature, or because he mistrusted his own cause, or because he feared that his messengers would be hindered by William and his associates, who were watching all the ports. The Pope weighed the arguments on both sides, and then sent a banner to William as an earnest of his kingdom." (Source: “Gesta Regum” by William of Malmesbury) 
"In the spring of 1066 Duke William of Normandy sent Gilbert, Archdeacon of Lisieux, to Rome as his messenger to enlist the support of Pope Alexander II 1061-73 for his plans to dispute King Harold's succession to the English throne by force of arms. The Duke's adviser, Abbot Lanfranc of Saint-Etienne at Caen, had drawn up the Norman case, of which the main argument was that Harold had committed perjury and that therefore the Duke was justified in using violence against him. The Pope, a friend of Lanfranc from their schooldays in northern Italy, happily gave his blessing to William's enterprise, and according to the Norman sources he sent a papal banner as sign of his approval."(Source: "The Norman Conquest through European Eyes" by Elisabeth van Houts)
 "William realised that he would have to turn this trip into a crusade. To do this he would need the blessing of the Pope. He managed this by persuading the Pope of Harold's promise and treachery. At first the Pope refused on political grounds because of the implications to the Church. Pope Alexander II was a pupil of Lanfranc who was now a trusted adviser to William. It was this fact that his blessing was eventually given. William now had the papal banner on his side. This made it much easier to rally his men to arms." (Source: not listed)
"1063 - Pope Alexander II (1061-73) sent the papal banner to Normans fighting Saracens in Spain and Sicily. The banner was a sign of papal approval and blessing. Harold had refused to carry out the papal decision that the incumbent archbishop of Canturbery, whom he felt had not be canonically elected, should be deposed. The pope sent William the banner of St. Peter."(Source: not listed) 
"At the urging of Cardinal Hildebrand, the pontiff sent a banner of Saint Peter, and according to Wace, a tooth of the apostle's, which the duke carried with him into England. The papal support of William was not due to largely secular concerns of hereditary claims or the fundamental Anglo-Saxon considerations of throne-worthiness: "such traditional reasons were only peripheral papal consideration," 
Rather, it was Harold’s refusal to remove Archbishop Stigand from his position that formed the basis of the Pope’s decision to grant a papal banner to William: "Hildebrand's reformers expected that a Norman conquest would bring England more securely within the Roman orbit...." (Source: "The Civilization of the Middle Ages" by Norman Cantor) 
"It is unlikely that Alexander II and his chief advisor Hildebrand could have refused William even if his case had not been so strong, after all they owed so much to the Normans. And thus the Pope sent to William his recognition of William as the rightful King of England and his blessing for his enterprise in the form of a consecrated banned and a holy relic - one of St Peters hairs." (Source: "History of the Normans 820 - 1215AD" From: "Conquest - Anglo-Norman Society")
"The Normans repelled the Mohammedan aggression and won Southern Italy and Sicily for the Church of Rome. This good service had some weight on the determination of Hildebrand to support the claim of William of Normandy to the crown of England, which was a master-stroke of his policy; for it brought that island into closer contact with Rome, and strengthened the papal pretension to dispose of temporal thrones. William fought under a banner blessed by the pope, and founded the Norman dynasty in England, 1066. The conquest was concluded at Winchester by a solemn coronation through three papal delegates, Easter, 1070." (Source: "History of the Christian Church - Chapter One" from "The Hildebrandian Popes. A.D. 1049–1073") 

The Norman Papacy:
I think it was more the influence of Hildebrand (later Gregory VII) than the Pope not having a choice. I think William made a few “promises” of his own in order to get what he wanted - ie: papal blessing. I think that the papacy was under the impression that if William was willing to submit to the “temporal” authority of Rome with regards to the question of succession, then there was the possibility of placing suzerainty of his new “conquest” (ie: England) under the papacy. But in supporting the Normans (wherever they might be) the Papacy was hoping to extend its influence by claiming England as a papal fief.  In fact, prior to the “conquest”, the Church held only 20% of lands - whilst after, they gained a mere 5% more.

The Norman Popes:
Nicholas II 1058 - 1061: made great concessions to the Normans - he invested Robert Guiscard with Apulia and Calabria at Melfi (1059) "in return for oaths of fealty and the promise of assistance in guarding the rights of the Church."   I believe that William may have “hinted” or even “promised” to Pope Nicholas II that should his conquest of England receive sanction from the papacy, then he, William, would hold England as a fief of the papacy. This was, to all intents and purposes, exactly what others were doing elsewhere to gain “recognition” for their “conquests”. This was something William was to deny even up till his death in 1087. (Refer below to the letter from William to Pope Gregory VII).

Alexander II 1061 - 1073: was a cohort of Hildebrand (aka: Gregory VII), and he was a former pupil of Lanfranc of Bec, and supported his enthronement at Canterbury.   The question of Peter’s Pence was still a thorn in the side of the papacy “after” William’s coronation - so this argument of unpaid Peter’s Pence was rather hypocritical of William. Apparently the withholding of Peter’s Pence was common in many Christian nations, so this was hardly a point William could successfully argue was solely the “fault” of England, which needed to be resolved.

Gregory VII 1073 - 1085 (aka: Hildebrand): the papacy was powerless to halt the advancing Normans in Italy nor was it powerful enough to demand their military support. In fact, the Normans under Guiscard failed to come to his aid when Henry Iv threatened him - it was only when they themselves were likely to come under a direct German attack did they go to the aid of the papacy. As a result, he was forced to flee Rome and go into exile (1084) at Monte Cassino.  Apparently William "showed little anxiety when the pope lectured him on the different principles which he had as to the relationship of spiritual and temporal powers, or when he prohibited him from commerce or commanded him to acknowledge himself a vassal of the apostolic chair. Gregory had no power to compel the English king to an alteration in his ecclesiastical policy, so he chose to ignore what he could not approve, and even considered it advisable to assure him of his particular affection." 

It would seem that after his election as Pope, Hildebrand informed William that "his actions had been goverened by his knowledge of the latter’s character, and by the hope that when raised to a higher dignity he would continue to show himself a dutiful subject of the church." (Source: “Monumenta Gregoriana”). Further, Hildebrand exerted his influence upon the Curia to get the result he wanted, full in the knowledge that if prosecuted, William’s actions would inevitably lead to bloodshed. Afterall, reform was "worth the suppression of a few scruples" . 

 "He perceived King William I as being practically a model of the good Christian ruler, so much so that he could overlook the occasional failure of William to comply with papal wishes." (Source: Chapter 6 - "Gregory and the Periphery of Latin Europe" in "Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085" by H. E. J. Cowdrey) 

William's Letter to Gregory:
The following is the letter sent by William the Conqueror to the Pope regarding the issue of England becoming a fief of the Papacy. There was no initial letter from the Pope regarding this, nor was there any follow-up letter. Only William’s letter exists which mentions this matter.

King William I to Pope Gregory VII summer 1080:To Gregory, the most exalted pastor of holy Church, William by the grace of God king of the English and duke of the Normans, sends greetings and the assurance of friendship.Your legate Hubert, who came to me, holy father, has on your behalf directed me to do fealty to you and your successors and to reconsider the money payment which my predecessors used to send to the Roman Church. The one proposition I have accepted; the other I have not. I have never desired to do fealty, nor do I desire it now; for I neither promised on my own behalf nor can I discover that my predecessors ever performed it to yours. As to the money, for almost three years it has been collected without due care, while I was engaged in France. But now that by God's mercy I have returned to my kingdom, the sum already collected is being sent to you by the above-named legate and the balance will be conveyed, when the opportunity arises, by the legates of our faithful servant archbishop Lanfranc.Pray for us and for the welfare of our kingdom, for we held your predecessors in great regard and it is our desire to show to you above all men unfeigned respect and obedient attention. (Source: "The Age of Gregory VII, 1073-85 - Letters of Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury" ed & trans. H Clover and M. Gibson (Oxford Medieval Texts 1979)) 

And lastly, let us not forget Lanfranc who was employed by William, Duke of Normandy, as one of his counsellors. Initially Lanfranc incurred the disfavour of William for opposing his marriage to Matilda of Flanders (c.1052). And yet he is back in favour, obtaining papal dispensation for the ducal marriage to take place (c.1059), and the removal of the Interdict placed upon Normandy.  It was suggested that Lanfranc had a major role in the direction of Duke William’s invasion plans. He obtained the papal sanction for the expedition with the gift of a “blessed banner” and a Papal Bull. With these two items, the Norman Conquest takes on the form of a Crusade against a usurper and oath violator (Harold). In addition, the Conquest also aligned itself with the ideals of ecclesiastical reform, which was well advanced in Normandy, but still very backward in England (from the Norman point of view).

Stigand, the Archbishop of Canterbury at the time of the Norman Conquest, was out of favour with the Normans having replaced Robert of Jumieges (c.1052). As such, at the Council of Winchester (1070) he was deprived of his office on charges that his election was uncanonical and he was guilty of simony. (Source: Catholic Encyclopedia, 1913)

Finally .... The question still remains: wasWilliam given an actual papal banner by Alexander II (Stenton) as a symbol of his support, or did William have a banner blessed by Alexander II, which he then carried before him in battle (Chibnall). 

Bibliography
"Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis" ed. M. M. Chibnall (Oxford, 1969)
"Debate on the Norman Conquest" by Marjorie Chibnall (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999)
"William the Conqueror: The Norman impact upon England" by David Douglas (University of California Press, 1964)
"The Fall of Saxon England" by Richard Humble (Barnes & Noble, 1992)
"1066 The Year of the Conquest" by David Howarth (Viking Penguin, 1981)
"The English Resistance: The Underground War Against the Normans" by Peter Rex (Tempus Publishing Ltd, 2004)
"The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles" ed: Anne Savage (CLB, 1997)
"The Norman Conquest" by D. J. A. Matthew (1966)
"The Norman Achievement, 1050–1100" by D. C. Douglas (1969)
"The First Century of English Feudalism, 1066–1166" (2d ed. 1961) and "Anglo-Saxon England" (3d ed. 1971) by F. M. Stenton
"Feudal Empires: Norman and Plantagenet" by J. LePatourel (1984)